#41 Operational “Caveat Cancer” in Afghanistan: The Development of the Caveat Crisis in the NATO-led ISAF Mission, OPLAN Phases I-II

The following two blogs #41 and #42 will now together further elaborate on the ISAF’s Caveat Crisis in Afghanistan, by providing a description of the way in which the mission’s caveat problem developed over the course of the Security Assistance mission, increasing in both scope and severity as the operation progressed through the four fundamental phases of NATO’s Operational Plan (OPLAN) for the mission. Indeed, limitation and ban rules in the Rules of Engagement (ROE) of ISAF national contingents were actively and obstructively present during all five of the OPLAN’s phases, from the very genesis of the ISAF operation in December 2001 until its complete termination in December 2014. These included the phases of: I) Assessment and Preparation; II) Geographic Expansion; III) Stabilisation; IV) Transition; and lastly V) Redeployment. These blogs will provide a concise overview of the diverse difficulties posed by these national caveat restrictions on the ISAF Force during each of these operational phases, in order to illustrate how the issue of heavy caveat imposition spread like a cancer, first politically in the Coalition of the Willing, and then operationally and tangibly across the mission in terms of both geography and time, with the caveat issue growing larger and generating more and more alarm in military and political quarters with the progression of each successive NATO-led phase until the final termination of the mission.

WAR ON TERROR: ISAF APPENDIX 10(b) – List of National Caveats Imposed on Armed Forces by the 8 NATO “Lead Nations” of ISAF Regional Commands in Afghanistan, 2002-2012

This list displays the known national caveat ROE constraints (of 21 caveat categories of rules), that were imposed by successive governments of the 8 NATO Lead Nations in the ISAF mission, in order to constrain the movements, activities, operations, and fighting combat capabilities of their own national forces in Afghanistan – and this despite being vested with heavy leadership command responsibilities for security and stability in their respective ISAF Regional Command sectors. These caveats were all in force, at one time or another, or even continuously over long periods of time amounting to many years, on ISAF Lead Nation security and stability forces, over the course of ten years of conventional and counter-insurgency war waged against anti-democracy terrorists and insurgents between 2002-2012. It was created based on the caveat information I gathered and compiled during the course of my doctoral research.

This PhD research in the academic domain of Defence & Strategic Studies, and undertaken over a period of 7 years from 2008-2014, was the first, in-depth, academic examination of the issue of ‘national caveats’ and their effects within multinational security operations. The research focused on the multinational NATO-led ISAF campaign in Afghanistan, and examined and analysed the extent and tangible impact of ISAF national caveats on ‘unity of effort’ and ‘operational effectiveness’ within the ISAF COIN mission, over the period of ten years from 2002-2012.

WAR ON TERROR: ‘Triumphs after Trials’ Progress Report, 2001-2021

A chronological table displaying the Free Democracies’ failures, successes and stalemates in the global campaign against Islamic Extremist terrorism (the ungodly and cowardly mass-murder and terrorisation of innocent civilians for politico-religious aims), otherwise known as the Global War on Terror(ists) (GWOT), ever since the world-changing, Afghanistan-based, Al-Qaeda terror attack on the American homeland and its native and foreign-born citizens, more than two decades ago, on 11 September 2001.

WAR ON TERROR: ISAF APPENDIX 10(a) – Table Displaying Caveat-Free or Caveat-Fettered Forces of the 8 NATO/ISAF Lead Nations during 6 Crucial COIN Years, 2007-2012

This alarming table, displaying the overall total numbers of caveat-fettered and caveat-free forces contributed by NATO’s 8 Lead Nations in the ISAF security and stability mission, during the Afghan mission’s critical years after the 2006 Taliban Resurgence between January 2007-December 2012, was created based on the caveat information I gathered and compiled during the course of my doctoral research.

This PhD research in the academic domain of Defence & Strategic Studies, and undertaken over a period of 7 years from 2008-2014, was the first, in-depth, academic examination of the issue of ‘national caveats’ and their effects within multinational security operations. The research focused on the multinational NATO-led ISAF campaign in Afghanistan, and examined and analysed the extent and tangible impact of ISAF national caveats on ‘unity of effort’ and ‘operational effectiveness’ within the ISAF COIN mission, over the period of ten years from 2002-2012.

#40 In Videos: An International, Multilateral, Political & Strategic Failure – The Fall of Kabul & the Lamentable Loss of the Anti-Terror & Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, 2001-2021

In Videos: The calamitous political and military decisions taken by short-sighted governments in multiple Capitals, to rapidly end the Afghan theatre of war in the overall and ongoing Global War on Terror (GWOT), and the resulting and hugely consequential developments and events that followed on the ground for the country and the people of Afghanistan, that has shocked, changed, and threatened the entire world. Important videos.

#36 The Art of Government: Military Servants, Political Masters, ‘The People’ & the Purpose of the Military

What is the main purpose of the military? To deter, fight and win wars both at home and abroad. As I have already outlined in the previous two blogs, Rules of Engagement (ROE) are the critical lynchpin, or key interconnecting devices, between the two separate and different political and military spheres of a nation during any armed conflict. ROE are binding political-military-legal orders given to national military forces by civilian national government officials, which clearly limit or restrict what the military can do on behalf of the nation, and in the name of the government, while actively deployed in a theatre of armed conflict. National militaries are subordinate to and accountable to obey these instructions or commands of their national civilian government because, in most countries of the world, national armed forces are the military servants of the civilian masters in government, who in turn are also themselves the temporary chosen representatives and servants of their citizen nation of people. As military servants of elected governments, then, and because of the changing nature and short-term tenure of governments comprised of various and often rival political parties and ideologies, especially in liberal democratic countries, national armed forces must officially be strictly apolitical and non-partisan: loyal to the Nation-State, the National Constitution, the national government, and the nation of people they exist to protect.

This blog will discuss these critical issues, and then examine the role of the military in each State today in the modern world. It will subsequently discuss the primary purpose of the military in every Nation-State, as well as the three kinds of wars national militaries usually engage in historically and today – (1) war at home to protect the sovereign State and the population of the nation; (2) war abroad in defence of critical national security interests and concerns; and (3) war abroad to defend foundational and core principles, values and beliefs.

WAR ON TERROR: ISAF APPENDIX 8(b) – List of Known National Caveats Imposed on ISAF Major Force Units by TCNs in Afghanistan, 2001-2012

This list, of known national caveats constraining 11 Major Force Units to the ISAF Security Assistance mission by Lead and Supporting ISAF coalition TCNs (NATO and Partner nations), was created based on the caveat information I gathered and compiled during the course of my doctoral research.

This PhD research in the academic domain of Defence & Strategic Studies, and undertaken over a period of 7 years from 2008-2014, was the first, in-depth, academic examination of the issue of ‘national caveats’ and their effects within multinational security operations. The research focused on the multinational NATO-led ISAF campaign in Afghanistan, and examined and analysed the extent and tangible impact of ISAF national caveats on ‘unity of effort’ and ‘operational effectiveness’ within the ISAF COIN mission, over the period of ten years from 2002-2012.

#39 Farewell Fallen Friend: Democratic Afghan Republic, 2001-2021

Democratic Afghanistan – a young but progressing democratic country, a multi-ethnic Nation-State standing politically and militarily strong against Islamic Extremism and mass-murdering terrorists, that was suddenly and deliberately abandoned to die by the American President and so-called “Leader of the Free World,” Joe Biden. Following in the path of President Trump’s Afghan Exit Strategy of “Taliban-Negotiations,” in 2020-21 the liberal-socialist Biden-Harris Administration led the political leaders and elites of the democratic “Free World” to prematurely withdraw their military forces and support from Democratic Afghanistan. By choosing to abandon the young but committed country – and after only 20 years of help, investment and support since its naissance – these political leaders enabled and allowed extreme, brutal, racist, and pro-terrorist forces to retake control of the people and country of Afghanistan. The Taliban and their al-Qaeda and militia allies rapidly turned the country back once again into the terrorist sanctuary and Taliban “Terror State” it had once been, prior to the history-changing 9/11 terrorist attack of 2001, that had murdered nearly 3,000 U.S. and international citizens living, working and travelling in the American homeland.

Biden was assisted in this singularly unwise withdrawal from Democratic Afghanistan by collectively complicit, complacent, and careless European allies, as well as leading Inter-Governmental Organisations (IGOs) around the world including NATO and the UN, in their mutually shared – if short-sighted – preoccupation and desire for ‘a fast and final end’ to the long but vital Afghan War against terror forces in Central-South Asia, just in time for the artificial and domestic deadline of the 20-year anniversary of 9/11. This was a needless abandonment and death of a democratic country, a profound mistake, and a national, political and strategic tragedy for the people of Afghanistan and of the whole world, with profoundly dire security consequences in the global struggle against murderous Islamic Extremist terrorism (the ungodly and cowardly mass-murder and terrorisation of innocent civilians for politico-religious aims).

Consequently, a full 20 years of hard-fought and hard-won achievements via Allied security, stability and nation-building operations post-9/11, to deliberately but kindly establish together with the native Afghan people a moderate, truly population-representative, democratic, just, secure, stable and anti-terrorist government, in the war-weary killing fields of Afghanistan – and these mostly achieved through the great efforts, courage, heart, self-sacrifice, blood, sweat and tears of the Free World’s military fighting forces – ended in total failure. Just as the consequence was a living nightmare for the freedom-loving Vietnamese population following the Fall of Saigon and the collapse of Democratic South Vietnam decades earlier (the Republic of Vietnam from 1955-75), which led to a mass-exodus of frightened “Boat People” into the Asian Sea (and again caused by a deliberate decision made by one American president in Washington D.C. to prematurely withdraw the Free World’s military and political support from a young democratic country’s fight against invasive Marxist-Communist aggression), the Fall of Kabul and the collapse of Democratic Afghanistan was a heart-breaking and nightmarish event for the population of Afghanistan, which sparked a second, terrified, mass-exodus of homeless and Stateless refugees around the globe.

The deepest, cherished and shared goal of democratic nations in the Free World is to advance the cause of human value and liberty before God, and the inherent right of all men, women and children to receive basic care and services, personal freedoms, and legal justice and protections from their native political leaders, rulers and “national caregivers” in government, in every nation and State around the world. It is for this fundamental reason that the Free World has always – and for many centuries since the Protestant Christian Reformation against evil and corrupt leaders in Europe during the 1500s – sought and worked hard to promote, to establish, and to support native, population-representative, caring, self-governing, democratic and just Nation-States around the world. Nation-States, moreover, that will be led by native and elected political leaders, who will care about and serve the greatest needs, interests and desires of their own native free people.

Historically then, the Allied democracies’ recent abandonment of the Democratic Afghan Republic, which led directly to the young country’s weakness and collapse in August 2021 and to untold Afghan deaths and suffering ever since, stands in stark, sharp and bitter contrast to the similar but robustly successful, Allied democracy-building enterprises that took place: (1) in the Axis countries of Japan, Germany and Italy from 1945 after World War Two; (2) in South Korea from 1948-53 after WW2 and the Korean War; (3) in many Nation-States across Eastern Europe and the Balkan regions following the end of the ideological Cold War confrontation from 1989-1991; and (4) even partially and influentially in Iraq from 2003 in the post-9/11 era of the “Global War on Terror” (aka the “Global Campaign against Terrorists”), following the multinational Iraq War against Saddam Hussein’s terrorist-supporting dictatorship, conducted by a Coalition of Willing Nations right up until the Obama-ordered military withdrawal in 2011 (that tragically led to the ISIS Wars from 2014-2019). The Free World’s building and long-term support to these democratic States were ALL successful, long-lasting and world-changing endeavours, that created democratic Nation-States nearly all of which continue to stand strong, free, and tall to the present day – and remain valued allies, friends, and vital members of the Free World. But ALL were accomplished chiefly due to the very great efforts made by several successive generations of freedom-loving democratic forces, contributed to nations in extreme need and hopelessness, by the world’s Free Nation-States of Western-model Democracies. These successes were achieved also at great cost to the Nation-States involved, paid both financially and in currencies far greater than mere money, with full-hearted commitment and self-sacrifice, but with long-term vision, grit and determination. These democratic Nation-States of the Free World – the free offspring of free peoples – have long stood and continue to stand as living and active memorials to these earlier generations of democratic freedom-givers.

As it has always been throughout human history on planet earth, the great cause of “Human Freedom, Protection and Justice” is a timeless blazing light of truth, goodness and hope on earth, for human beings living in the darkness of political and systemic oppression, abuse, injustice, and fear in their native nations and countries, wherever they may be around the world. Because basic human value and individual freedom are the God-given birthright of every person, and every ethnic nation of people, born into the human race. “Where there is no vision, the people perish” (Book of Proverbs 29:18).

WAR ON TERROR: ISAF APPENDIX 7(b) – List of Known National Caveats by Category Imposed by ISAF TCNs on National Forces, December 2001- December 2012

A list of known national caveats within the ISAF Allied Force, arranged according to the 21 caveat categories found to be in existence and active during the ISAF mission from 2001-2014. Namely: Mission caveats; Theatre of Operations caveats; Geographic caveats; Regional caveats; Area of Operations (AO) caveats; Force Numbers-in-Theatre caveats; Command caveats; Weaponry & Lethal Force caveats; General Operations caveats; Ground Combat Operations caveats; Ground Security Operations caveats; Air Combat Operations caveats; Other Air Operations caveats; Time caveats; Weather caveats; Counter-Terrorism caveats; Counter-Narcotics caveats; ISAF Cooperation caveats; ANSF Cooperation caveats; PRT Security Operations caveats; and PRT Stability Operations caveats. The list was created based on the caveat information I gathered and compiled during the course of my doctoral research.

This PhD research in the academic domain of Defence & Strategic Studies, and undertaken over a period of 7 years from 2008-2014, was the first, in-depth, academic examination of the issue of ‘national caveats’ and their effects within multinational security operations. The research focused on the multinational NATO-led ISAF campaign in Afghanistan, and examined and analysed the extent and tangible impact of ISAF national caveats on ‘unity of effort’ and ‘operational effectiveness’ within the ISAF COIN mission, over the period of ten years from 2002-2012.

WAR ON TERROR: ISAF APPENDIX 7(a) – Table Displaying Known Caveat Categories Imposed by ISAF TCNs on National Forces, 2001-2012

A table, displaying the 21 categories of caveats found to be in existence and active in the ISAF mission from 2001-2014, and the Troop Contributing Nations (TCNs) found to be imposing caveats within these categories, between the years 2001-2012.

This PhD research in the academic domain of Defence & Strategic Studies, and undertaken over a period of 7 years from 2008-2014, was the first, in-depth, academic examination of the issue of ‘national caveats’ and their effects within multinational security operations. The research focused on the multinational NATO-led ISAF campaign in Afghanistan, and examined and analysed the extent and tangible impact of ISAF national caveats on ‘unity of effort’ and ‘operational effectiveness’ within the ISAF COIN mission, over the period of ten years from 2002-2012.